--By Madhukar SJB Rana

 

What really attracted me to the book was the comment by Business Line in the jacket that "the most outstanding feature is the manner in which he delves into the Muslim psyche, not 10, 20 or 50 years before the Partition but from Mughal India and even earlier. to get an insinght into the anger, desolation, depression, desperation, suspicion and insecurity to a class that turned from ruler to subjects...". It also yield deep insights as to why Muslims hate Muslims so violently.

 

It penetrates with incision into the Pakistani psyche, or least of the elite, and we now know why, geo psychologically, SAARC never takes off-- ever stymied by Pakistan with its veto power and tactical counter moves.

 

Akbar's rendition of history in story-telling style makes it thoroughly engaging and enjoyable to read. His mastery of words keeps one spellbound. It covers the period 712 AD from the time of the Arab conquest of Sindhi by Muhammad bin Qasim, who established the first Muslim dynasty in the sub continent. His central thesis is that the notion of a separate State was ingrained as early as the 18th century.

 

He believes that a state to be a modern one must embody democracy, secularism, gender equality and economic equity. For this to happen in Pakistan, he  submits, that only Pakistanis themselves can do so : if the children of the Father if the Nation, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, can defeat the ideology of the 'Grandfather' of the Nation, Shah Waliullah and the Godfather the Nation, Maulama Maududi. This might prove to be insurmountable if one takes heed of the fact that Pakistan chooses not to name any of its nuclear missiles after Akbar the Great, perhaps one of the greatest rulers in world history. And why?  Because, writes M.J. Akbar, ever insightfully "he believed in political partnership and cultural harmony between Hindus and Muslims".

 

 Indian Muslims in 1947 instituted 33% of the world's Muslim population. They comprised 24.3% of the Indian population (1941census). Akbar visualizes Pakistan as "a strange alchemy of past superiority and future insecurity that shaped the dream of a separate Muslim state in India".

 

This book is not history as history is normally written in chronological sequence. Rather is seeks to grapple with the core issues by going deep into the life and times of the people who count historically and how they influenced and yet influence minds and hearts.

 

Perhaps the title of the book, Tinderbox, is borne out of the spine-chilling 'prophesy' of Maulana Azad (1946) who opposed partition. He said, inter alia, "we shall remember that an entity conceived in hatred shall last only as long as that hatred lasts. This hatred will overwhelm relations between India and Pakistan. In this situation it will not be possible for India and Pakistan to be friends and live amicably unless some catastrophic event takes place". One of his most memorable prediction is when he said "After the separation of East Pakistan, whenever it happens, West Pakistan will become the battleground of regional contradictions and disputes". The antipathy to Punjabi domination by Baluchis, Sindhis and Pathans is pretty obvious these days.

 

In his attempt to grasp Pakistan, which country he describes as "a jelly state" we have wonderful glimpses of the making of the British Raj; and also insights into the unmaking of the Ottoman Empire for which the Muslims in British India had deep feelings for. Indeed, the power of the Akbar mind-- and the beauty of the book-- is to be experienced from the artistry of his multiple narratives with Islam, and the yearning for a Caliphate, as the centre piece of the construct.

 

Akbar wants us to imagine the catastrophe in the present day context of a Pakistan with nuclear weapons in the hands of those who believe in suicide as a path to heaven. Is it any wonder, then, that President Bill Clinton described South Asia as the world' most dangerous place?

 

One is left with a lingering feeling as to what M.J. Akbar would prescribe for an entente cordiale between India and Pakistan on which the future of South Asia in the emerging new balance of power depends? A glimpse into future world order where Asia will be its centre of gravity with strong Euro Asian connectivity, combined with the threats from climate change, may be the factor and force that brings India, Pakistan, and all of South Asia, together as a world power on its own right. This assumes that economic determinism is a powerful force in moving world history and one would presume that the private sector, in both countries, will take the lead to be proactive in their own interest rather than play second fiddle to the political elites driven by short term vote banking politics identity politics.